What is Art? Essay -- Essays Papers Definition Arts Artistic

What is Art? What a question! This very same topic has been on the minds of many great people for many years. Just what exactly is art? Art is a form of expression. It is beautiful, ugly, tasteful, distasteful, impressionistic, realistic...you get the point. Art is everywhere. It lives in the soul, mind, and even the heart. Art is an outlet for people to express themselves. Art is a way for the human mind to express itself. Even a loud, outgoing person has feelings that they do not feel comfortable sharing with people. These expressions often come out through their art. What is classified as art? Besides the obvious?paintings, drawings, architecture, etc?Art can be dancing, singing, acting, etc. It can be pretty much anything that expresses an idea. Even something as common as speech is art. Everyone speaks with a different voice, and each voice is a piece of art. Art surrounds us. It is encountered so often that often we don?t realize art when we see it. All too often we ignore art. We overlook the ideas and thoughts behind it. Anyone can look at a painting and say ?Wow! That?s beautiful!? How many of us can actually stop and say ?Wow! Now I understand!? Art is around to teach us. We can learn so much about ourselves and the world around us. Many times we create art without a conscious reason. We believe that we are just making a pretty picture. Usually we are expressing a subconscious idea. If take the time to actually analyze and criti...

Figurative Language Essay

Figurative language is used in poems, songs, books, short stories, and in everyday language. The use of similes and hyperboles are able to affect the tone, meaning and theme that better explain the meaning in stories and songs. Figurative language is meant to appeal to the senses in order to provide interest and evoke emotion in what is being read or heard. Alicia Keys, â€Å"This Girl Is On Fire†, is a great example of figurative language. The figurative language in this song provides a respectful and jovial tone, and it also demonstrates the theme of the capability of potential and societies urge to undermine the success of others. The first verse of the song sets the tone of respect and the theme of potential. The first lines of the song use multiple metaphors that read â€Å"She’s just a girl, and she’s on fire. Hotter than a fantasy, longer like a highway. She’s living in a world, and it’s on fire,† which demonstrate how this girl is just an ordinary girl but she has been able to accomplish great things in this competitive world that we live in. The following verse also demonstrates how the ordinary girl has â€Å"stood her ground† in the competitive world. The verse contains an idiom that reads â€Å"Oh, she got both feet on the ground†¦Oh, she got her head in the clouds and she’s not backing down,† which states that the ordinary girl has ideas that may seem unrealistic but she will strive to make these ideas come to life and not just be a daydream. Throughout the song â€Å"This girl is on fire† is repeated, hence it is the chorus. When th e chorus is on, the audience just awaits that powerful note, because throughout the song Alicia Keys puts the most emphasis on these five words. The repetition of that line demonstrates the strength and potential this ordinary girl has. Also the repetition and vibrato behind the chorus, makes the metaphor that much more powerful and believable to the audience; it is able to evoke a sense of hope in the audience for this ordinary girl. The fourth verse of the songs reads â€Å"Looks like a girl, but she’s a flame. So bright, she can burn your eyes. Better look the other way,† which makes a great example of the power this girl has. The combination of a simile and metaphor in the first line portrays that the girl is no ordinary girl. When people look at her, they probably just see an ordinary girl walking the street that might not be doing anything great with her life. But the  metaphor â€Å"she’s a flame† contradicts that completely. Metaphors make stronger comparisons between two things than a simile does. Since the metaphor contradicts the simile, then the metaphor overpowers the simile stating that the girl is not an ordinary girl. The next two lines of the verse put more emphasis on the girl being a flame. The metaphor is a representation of how great the girl is. The fire and flame representing this girl is something uncommon in the competitive world we live in,because as a whole people want to be more successful than others. Therefore her flame â€Å"burns people’s eyes† because they are not prepared for potential within her. The potential behind her is so powerful that people are not able to handle her strength so they â€Å"better look the other way,† or they will get burned by her passion to succeed in life. It is also be another example of how people try to undermine other’s success, but no one will be able to bring down her hope for greatness. The next lines of the verse are a combination of hyperboles and metaphors. â€Å"You can try but you’ll never forget her name. She’s on top of the world. Hottest of the hottest girls say,† these lines demonstrate that she already has achieved some of her goals. The first line is a hyperbole that is also related to the example stated above about how people try to undermine the success of others, but she will not let people take away her success. Therefore even though people might try forget her and the goals she has accomplished, she will not let it happen. Also since â€Å"she is a fire† her success is so great that it would be hard to forget. The metaphor and idiom â€Å"she’s on top of the world† also demonstrates the success that she has achieved. The idiom means that she has reached her goal and succeeded which makes it harder for people to forget her. This is clear because if â€Å"she is on top of the world† then she has made a n ame for herself that has impacted the world and her life immensely. Therefore she will not just be an ordinary girl anymore, and now she will not be overlooked or forgotten. The next verse reads â€Å"Everybody stands, as she goes by. Cause they can see the flame that’s in her eyes. Watch her when she’s lighting up the night,† which is able to demonstrate how people do not view her as an ordinary girl anymore. When people see her they stop to take notice of the greatness that  she has become. The metaphor of â€Å"the flame in her eyes† demonstrates how she is not done trying to achieve her goals.This girl has far more potential left in her and will accomplish them. The next metaphor demonstrates that people now see the hope and potential she has within her. When she reaches the rest of her potential, she will â€Å"night up the light†. The idiom means that the feeling she will feel when she has reached her full potential will be strong enough that people will see how her attitude changes to bright and cheery, and her bright attitude will be able to brighten up the night. The idiom just restates the strength and poten tial this not so ordinary girl has. The figurative language is full of praise for this not so ordinary girl. The explanation of how great and powerful this girl is demonstrates the respect the girl deserves. She was able to reach her goals even though people might not have believed in her. Therefore the tone is evident throughout the whole song, and so are the themes. This girl has reached her full potential and people are now taking notice, so now she will be respected and not forgotten. The figurative language in this song was well combined and well orchestrated to show the theme and tone simultaneously.

Employment Relations Japan Essay

Japanese culture is highly diverse as compared to the other western nations, due to their stringent localized policies and protectionist laws which are meant to protect their local businesses and populace. The culture of the Japanese is deemed as an over-achieving culture with each individual striving to become the best at their chosen work and tasks. Companies across the globe acknowledge that the industries, within which the Japanese enter, become dominated by Japanese companies within the top 3 market positions (Alexander, 2003). The same philosophy is translated into the workforce and even before the Second World War, the Japanese were adopting practices meant to create product quality and best business practices. However, the first disparities amongst the working class and the ruling samurai elite began during the war periods and the people who worked in factories and industries realized the injustice of their working conditions during the war times (Morishima, 1982). The sources in this paper will be books and academic journal extracts which have been stated after considerable time and effort has been involved into the validation of the statements as facts and after they have been approved by other accomplished individuals in the topic. The paper has been divided into 6 basic chapters. The first chapter discusses the development of the employment relations of Japanese businesses and workforce. The history is discussed within this portion of the paper. The second chapter identifies the various labour market parties existing in the Japanese business spheres. The parties are divided along the lines of labor unions, employers’ associations and various state roles in maintaining employment relations. The third chapter of the paper discusses the main employment relations processes in the Japanese organizational structure and talk about topics such as collective bargaining and employee participation and degree of involvement. The next chapter looks at the current trends and future issues pertaining to the employee relations model in Japan and is purely analytical. Finally the summary is included which will provide the concise description of the key findings and the advantages and limitations of the data sources. The bibliography will identify the various sources used in the formulation of this paper. The early organization of workers and employers As discussed earlier, the Japanese society can be divided along the lines of the merchants, traders and businessmen and the samurai class. The two groups were responsible for conducting certain activities and this system was dominant since the pre-world war era. In the post world war era, the borders of Japan opened up considerably and the western styles of management began entering the nation. The USA played an integral role in helping in formulating the new business models for Japan as the western world became very interested in the business potential in the Asian part of the world (Tabb, 1995). A key element to recognize regarding the organizational structures in Japan is that in japanese organizations, even to date, the vertical hierarchy is very important in the business functions and no matter how the company appears to be decentralized, the actuality lies in the fact that employees further down the hierarchy are usually expected to obtain greater responsibility rather than be able to make decisions in a more decentralized role (Tabb, 1995). This notion of vertical hierarchy has prevailed throughout the Japanese organizational culture and played a detrimental role in the evolution of current organizational structures and employee relations models. Recognition of Trade Unions Up till the World War, the Japanese did not look favorably towards the trade unions and the Japanese culture encouraged the owners the right to do as they pleased while maintaining responsibility over their workers. The Japanese culture is centered around the master-worker relationship with the master being responsible for watching out for the benefits of his workers while the workers would be required to fulfill their masters demands unflinchingly. The Fukuzawa and Shibusawa philosophies were particularly centered on the debate regarding this relationship and played an important role in forming organizational structures. Therefore in the pre-world war era the concept of unions was not popular in Japan. However, following the US entry into Japan some changes began to appear in the organizational models. Trade and industrial unions began being fostered under the US supervision and the legal barriers against union formation were abolished. The communists and socialists activists were released from the prisons and this accelerated the number of unions being formed for the protection of the workers against the ruling class and by 1949, a mere 2 years since the movement began, around 34000 unions had been created with around 7 million members in totality (Pempel, 1998). The purpose of the Japanese unions however were not industrial but seemed to be attracted towards political linkages as most unions sided with the Japanese Communist Party and the Japanese Socialist Party and these unions began using their influence towards blackmailing the government through strikes and sit-ins on a fairly regular level (Pempel, 1998). The unions are still politically inclined and unlike the US style, are fairly active in political agendas. Role of the State in the formative period The Sanbetsu Kaigi was a major union which easily rallied workers against the government and the government found that the leftist were using the unions to pressurize the government into meeting their demands by manipulating with the country’s production levels. The government realized that it would need to take matters into its own hands as by the end of 1948, the total production was still only 65% of the level which was produced in 1930-4 (Neary, 2002). The response to this issue came in the form of creating second unions and lock-outs on the part of organizations to decrease the reliance on the trouble-making militant groups. The second unions were more compliant and would be as large as the minimum required number of people to run the factory. The government responded by conducting a â€Å"red purge† which was aimed at removing communist factions from within unions and during the 1950s the government and SCAP (Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers) implemented policies to remove communist members from public posts and universities (Neary, 2002). We can therefore see that the state played a directly involved role in creating the structure of the unions and unlike free market economies where the market pressures dictate formulation of such entities, the government was forming the structures itself. Diversification of Interests and Organizations The trade union movement in Japan was legally liberalized over the next 10 years following the World War. The radical trade union movements which were steeped in leftist ideology were gradually overcome as the employers and organizations tried to maintain communication linkages with the workers and by using the intensive communication and offering humanitarian services. Trade unions in Japan are organized on the enterprise base unlike other countries where the trade unions are usually industrial or craft based (Tsujino, 1992). The enterprise based unions differ from other global unions because the members of this unions wish for the enterprise to succeed as it would result in greater salaries and better workplace atmosphere. Unlike trade unions meant for entire industries, these enterprise based unions have a clearer vision and goal. The Japanese trade unions hence become more employee oriented and lead to greater humanitarian concerns from the organizations. Trade Unions The trade union structure within Japan lies in the manner that the most basic unit is the enterprise trade union. This trade union falls within an industrial federation which is itself affiliated with a general peak union organization (Benson & Zhu, 2008). As of 2005 the number of unions stood at 61,178 which was a decline of 15. 3 percent from 1990. The total number of union members at the time amounted to 10,014,000 which was also a decline in the total number of members since 1990 at a declining rate of 18. 7 percent. The major national peak union federation in Japan is the Japanese Trade Union Confederation (locally known as Rengo) which constitutes 54 industrial union federations (as of 2006). Rengo itself was created in 1987 by a merger between 5 private sector peak union bodies. The unity is sketchy in the union movement and it lacks a unifying factor. Two other major peak union bodies which have surfaced are: the National Confederation of Trade Unions (Zenroren), a militaristic and highly political-agenda union peak body and The National Trade Union Council (Zenrokyo). The total percentage of union members within these 3 bodies amounts to 75. 6% as of 2003 (Benson & Zhu, 2008). Employers’ Associations Associations which are legally recognized by the state are often referred to as Employers’ associations. Unlike other countries, Japan has one major employers’ association which basically covers all the country’s private enterprises under its umbrella. The Japan Federation of Employers’ Associations (Nikkeiren) is the body which represents and coordinates the body dealings with labour and social issues in the state. All the employers’ associations are coordinated within this body and aims to increase cooperation between the associations. Nikkeiren is composed of 47 prefectural and 54 industrial associations and in totality covers around 30,000 corporations. Even though the body does not negotiate on the part of its members, it does take interest in the negotiation process (International Labour Organization, 1994). The role of the state in employment relations Unlike many western countries, the state actively participates in the employment relations and dictates the actions of the organizations and companies in formulating employee relationships and the level of benefits and services to be provided to the employees of an organization. The state keeps a role similar to a guardian as well as a supervising body for the employee relations to be maintained by an organization and the various employers’ associations and trade unions. Due to the turbulent past, the government does not leave the bodies with a free reign and supervises their actions and observes their policies vigilantly. It comes as no surprise then that the state plays a more involved role in Japanese employment relations as compared to that of the role played by Western countries such as USA and UK. Collective Bargaining Collective bargaining has been researched frequently for the context of Japanese businesses. Empirical studies have been conducted in this regard to see the correlation of the collective bargaining technique as a tool for unions with which to deal with labor demands. The evidence proves that there are important implications in the Japanese context regarding the collective bargaining as a tool for negotiations between labor elements and the organizations (Fuess, 2001). Collective bargaining in Japan is practiced at the enterprise level and union level rather than at the national level. Since the state simply plays a decisive role and allows the lower levels to conduct their own processes, enterprise level bargaining and shop floor mechanisms enables the unions and parties to conduct their processes in the most feasible manner (Silva, 1996). Joint consultation systems are practiced in Japan in this regard to facilitate the collective bargaining aspect and to decrease conflicts which may arise within the collective bargaining procedure. This system has proved effective given the country’s culture and organizational structures (Silva, 1996). Employee Participation and Involvement The employees participate on an enterprise level and hence the unions and associations basically constitute a organization specific movement. The enterprises create their own policies and then commonalities are identified which can then be implemented on a wider scale across the national board to maintain some consistency and ensure no injustice is done in certain localities. Since most associations are divided along numerous factors, such as geographical bounds and enterprise level, the nature of participants is mostly small scale. Unlike large union meetings, smaller gatherings of major players are conducted and they decide the direction for the meetings and the outcomes. Rather than a general meeting for all members to be present, Japanese system invites influential people from the associations to represent their parties and groups and to offer suggestions. Involvement is thus lower in Japan when compared to that of trade unions in western cultures and countries such as Germany, Canada, USA and UK. Industrial disputes, strikes and mediating institutions Since the past disputes which resulted in the government to become actively involved in the settlement of trade unions concerns, the Japanese have developed policies and labour laws for the purpose of decreasing the number of strikes and conflict scenarios which may arise between employees and organizations. Unlike the past where production level fell drastically in the 80s and 90s, the Japanese enterprise level unions have been critical in resolving employee concerns as soon as they stem up. Rather than using reactive measures such as lock-outs and firing employees, organizations have adopted preventive measures and ensure systems which would alert warning signals when employees became agitated. The situation can then be quickly resolved and the production levels and employee performance does not suffer so drastically. Economic Integration and Recent Changes The Japanese system of managing their workforce seems stable and has over time evolved to resolve the issues which occasionally arose. The current system is suitable for the local culture and since the Japanese culture is highly collectivist, this system is efficient for handling the specific concerns which arise time and again. The current globalization has led to a deeper interaction with western cultures which are quite different from the local Japanese culture but they have minimal effect as the Japanese culture does not become too effected by this interaction and the local system still suits the organizational structures the best. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS By looking into the Japanese Employment Relation model we have been able to see the gradual transition and development of the employees interactions with organizations and the various entities which play an important role in determining the employee relation policies and practices. The paper has been able to draw a picture of the national situation and has analyzed the employee relations comparing it to western standards creating a better understanding of the local deviation from the western style of handling employee relations. What we have come to understand is that the trade unions are basically a political tool used by the citizenry in manipulating government decisions and this has led to a government vigil over these entities processes. The government closely supervises the enterprises and corporations and has developed a forward integrated union system which works on the enterprise level, hence reducing the damage which may be caused by a revolt or strike by certain workers. The government has divided the entities into miniscule units for closer supervision and has actively participated in monitoring these entities. The sources shed light and support the arguments and facts stated thereby creating a solid argument regarding the employee relation model and consolidating the statements said therein.

Ezra Pound’s “In a Station of the Metro” Essay

Ezra Pound first published this poem in 1913, at a time when writers of poetry were trying to break from the traditional pentameters associated with their craft. This piece is an excellent example of Imagism, in which poets, instead of describing an image in detail , tried to use a minimal amount of words, and evoke an image by use of a well-written phrase. Pound uses haiku style of poetry in this piece which contains only 14 words- a stark contrast to the 20-30 lines from previous era of Victorianism. Pound once explained that he did not wish the heart of the poem to be in the first or second line- but to be the thought process that connects them. While this is a concept used in Imagism, it is more like the latter form he embraced- Vorticism. This categorization comes from the endeavor of the author to treat the poem as a piece of graphic art. Upon examination of the poem itself, it is interesting to note that no verbs are used in the poem, yet it conveys a sense of movement. His choice of the word â€Å"apparition† automatically makes the reader conjure images of mysticism and spirits, thus he begins his contrasts between the real and the unreal; the beautiful and the ugly; the mundane and the exotic. His contrast of nature versus man-made and the quick transition he makes is very typical of the Japanese haiku style. Interestingly he uses â€Å"petals† instead of flowers, giving it a softer, more feminine quality; thus the dark masculinity of the black bough is doubled. The comparison of these two is simultaneous with what the poet has seen on the railway platform- opposites that not only are extremes but that compliment each other. There is continued debate among scholars as to the true meaning of this poem and what Pound intended to convey when he wrote it. Nevertheless, they all have to agree that he did what he set out to do- transcend traditional form and make an eye-opening statement to his readers. References â€Å"Pound’s ‘In A Station of the Metro’: A Textual Note. † English Language Notes 8. 4 (June 1971). retrieved on June 16, 2009, from http://www. english. illinois. edu/ Maps/poets/m_r/pound/metro. htm Hishikawa, Eiichi â€Å"Ezra Pound† published by Kobe Univesity April 2004 retrieved on June 16, 2009 from http://www. lit. kobe-u. ac. jp/~hishika/pound. htm

Ethnic Group Of Bangladesh Essay

FIRST OF ALL I LIKE TO SHOW GREAT RESPECT TO OUR ALMIGHTY FOR GIVING ME AN ABILITY TO CARRY ON THIS TYPE OF ASSIGNMENT ON THE WAY TO COMPLETION AND FINALIZATION TO MY SUCCESS. THEN I WOULD LIKE TO THANK OUR HONORABLE TEACHER SHAMSHAD CHOWDHURY FOR GIVING ME THE ACTUAL IDEAS AND CLUES FOR THE ASSIGNMENT. ESPECIALLY THANKS TO THE AUTHORITY OF SHANTO-MARIAM UNIVERSITY OF CREATIVE TECHNOLOGY FOR SELECTING THIS KIND OF SUBJECT THAT REALLY WOULD BE A PIONEER STEP ON OUR FUTURE AND TO MAKE A GREAT PLAN FOR THE FURTHER ACTIVITIES AND TO THE NEAR NEXT 1 | P a g e Ethnic Group Of Bangladesh. 1. Introduction : BANGLADESH IS QUITE RICH IN ETHNIC CULTURE. THERE ARE ABOUT THIRTY-FIVE ETHNIC COMMUNITIES LIVING IN DIFFERENT PARTS OF THE COUNTRY. THE MAJOR ETHNIC COMMUNITIES ARE CHAKMA, MURMA, GARO, SANTAL, HAJONG, TIPRA, KHASI, MURANG, SHENDHU, PANKO ETC. THEY STRUGGLE TO MAINTAIN THEIR LIFE STYLE, CULTURE AND PROTECT DISTINCT RELIGIOUS BELIEFS FROM THE INFLUENCE OF THE DOMINANT CULTURE AND RELIGIONS. IN THE NORTH AND NORTHWESTERN BELT OF BANGLADESH A NUMBER OF ETHNIC COMMUNITIES LIVE WHO STILL HAVE TO STRUGGLE HARD TO SUSTAIN THEIR ORIGINAL CULTURE AND TRADITIONAL HERITAGE. THE ADIVASIS IN THIS REGION COMPRISES OF SEVERAL GROUPS SANTAL, ORAON, MUNDA, MAHALI, MAHATO, MALPAHARA ETC. AMONG THE ETHNIC PEOPLE IN THE NORTH AND NORTHWESTERN BELT OF BANGLADESH SANTALS ARE LARGEST IN NUMBER. BUT THERE IS NO ACCURATE AND RELIABLE STATISTICS REGARDING THEIR ACTUAL POPULATION. THERE IS ALSO A GREAT DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE OFFICIAL AND UNOFFICIAL FIGURES AND ESTIMATES. ACCORDING TO THE GOVERNMENT CENSUS OF 1991, THE ADIVASI POPULATION WAS ESTIMATED 3,14,337 IN 16 ADMINISTRATIVE DISTRICT OF THE RAJSHAHI DIVISION. BUT AS CLAIMED BY AN INDIGENOUS COMMUNITY LEADER, BADLA ORAON OF DINAJPUR ADIVASI ACADEMY, THE. NUMBER OF INDIGENOUS PEOPLE IN RAJSHAI DIVISION WAS 3,222,000 WAY BACK IN 1984. A SURVEY REPORT REVEALS THAT THE TOTAL POPULATION OF SANTAL IS 143932 IN DINAJPUR, RAJSHAHI, BOGRA, PABNA AND SOME OTHER AREAS OF BANGLADESH. ACCORDING TO THE OTHER SOURCES, THE TOTAL NUMBER OF SANTALS ARE MUCH HIGHER THAN ESTIMATED. MOST OF THE SCHOLARS ALSO QUESTIONED THE AUTHENTICITY OF THE NUMERICAL DATA. IN THEIR OPINION, THE CENSUS TAKES LANGUAGE AS THE BASIS FOR IDENTIFYING ANY PERSON AS BENGALI OR INDIGENOUS. THEY HAVE ALSO ALLEGED THAT THE EXISTING POLICY IS TO SHOW THE NUMBER LOWER THAN THE ACTUAL NUMBER. 2 | P a g e. Ethnic Group Of Bangladesh 2. Historical Background of the Santals SINCE HOW LONG THE SANTALS LANDED IN THE TERRITORY OF PRESENT BANGLADESH, IS NOT PRECISELY KNOWN. SOME BELIEVE THAT THE KHERWARS REACHED THE LAND OF BENGAL IMMEDIATELY AFTER THE FIRST CLASHES WITH THE INVADING ARYAN TRIBES (2500 B. C. ). WITH EVERY PROBABILITY THE SANTALS LANDED IN BANGLADESH WITH THEIR ACTUAL ETHNIC IDENTITY, NOT AFTER 1000 B. C. IT IS PROBABLE THAT THE SANTALS SCATTERED THROUGHOUT BENGAL AT THE TIME OF THE MUSLIM INVASION OF THIS REGION DURING THE LAST DECADES OF THE TWELFTH CENTURY OR AT THE BEGINNING OF THIRTEENTH CENTURY. IN THE WORDS OF FR. LUIZI PUSSETTO: â€Å"THE SANTALS RETIRED PROGRESSIVELY TOWARD MORE CALM REGIONS OR WHERE IT WAS MORE EASY TO DEFEND [THEMSELVES] FROM THE INVADERS†¦ † IN LATER TIMES, WITH THE HISTORIC SANTAL REVOLUTION IN 1855 UNDER THE BRITISH COLONIAL RULE IN THE INDIAN SUBCONTINENT, WHEN 30,000 THOUSAND SANTALS ARE BELIEVED TO HAVE BEEN KILLED, IT IS BEYOND ANY DOUBT THAT MANY OF THE SANTALS WERE DISPERSED INTO DISTANT LANDS AND GEOGRAPHICALLY ISOLATED TERRITORIES. MANY OF THEM EVEN CROSSED THE RIVER GANGES AND END UP IN THE EAST, THE PART OF PRESENT BANGLADESH. MANY THINK THAT THE EARLY SANTALS CAME TO NORTH BENGAL IN SEARCH FOR JOB OPPORTUNITIES, ESPECIALLY WHEN THE RAILWAY TRACKS WERE UNDER CONSTRUCTION during the British rule in the second half of the 19th century. This may be one of THE REASONS THAT MOST SANTALS IN BANGLADESH ARE FOUND SETTLING ON BOTH SIDES OF THE RAILWAY LINES FROM NORTH TO SOUTH. 2. 1 THE NAME â€Å"SANTAL†: REGARDING THE NAME SANTAL, OPINIONS DIFFER AMONG THE SCHOLARS. FOR SKREFSRUD, THE NAME SANTAL IS A CORRUPTION OF SAONTAR, AND WAS ADOPTED BY THE TRIBE AFTER THEIR SOJOURN FOR SEVERAL GENERATIONS IN THE COUNTRY AROUND SAONT IN MIDNAPUR. W. B. OLDHAM OPINED THAT SANTAL IS AN ABBREVIATION OF SAMANTAWALA, WHICH HAS ITS ETYMOLOGY FROM SANSKRIT SAMANTA, ANOTHER NAME GIVEN TO THE COUNTRY AROUND SAONT. O’MALLEY IS OF THE OPINION THAT SANTAL IS AN ENGLISH FORM ADOPTED FROM HINDI WHICH CORRESPONDS WITH THE FORM SAOTAL USED BY THE BENGALI SPEAKING PEOPLE. MOST ANTHROPOLOGISTS AGREE THAT SANTAL IS A NAME GIVEN TO THIS TRIBE BY NON-SANTALS. HOWEVER, SANTALS PREFER TO CALL THEMSELVES HOR MEANING â€Å"HUMAN BEING OR PERSON. † FOR THE SANTALS THE CONCEPT HOR BEARS A RICH CONNOTATION TO MEAN A PERSON WITH QUALITIES OF INTELLECT, OF KNOWLEDGE, OF WISDOM; THEY REFER THEMSELVES AS A TRIBE WITH DIGNITY AND FULL HUMAN POTENTIALITY. THE SANTALS ARE PROUD OF THEIR IDENTITY THAT DEFINES THE TRAITS OF SOLIDARITY AND UNIQUENESS AS A GROUP. 3 | P a g e Ethnic Group Of Bangladesh 2. 2 ORIGIN, RACE, AND LANGUAGE: AS TO THE â€Å"ORIGIN† OF THE SANTALS, VERY LITTLE IS KNOWN FOR CERTAIN. THE SANTALS HAVE NO RECORDED HISTORY. LIKE OTHER ANCIENT SOCIETIES, SANTALS HAVE TRIED TO EXPLORE THE MYSTERIES OF CREATION, HISTORY AND LIFE BY MEANS OF MYTHS AND LEGENDS. FOLLOWING THE ANTHROPOLOGICAL DATA, SOME AUTHORS CLASSIFY SANTALS AS PRE-DRAVIDIAN AND OTHERS AS PROTO-AUSTROLOIDS; AND OTHERS AS ABORIGINALS OF THE NORTHWEST. THUS, THE OPINIONS IN THIS RESPECT ARE VERY DISCORDANT. THE SANTALS DO HAVE THEIR OWN MYTHOLOGY OF CREATION AND MANY BELIEVE THAT THEY ALL HAVE COME FROM PILCU HARAM AND PILCU BUDHI, WHICH IS LIKE ADAM AND EVE IN THE BIBLE. SANTALI IS THE MOTHER TONGUE SPOKEN BY THE SANTALS. IT IS A MUNDA LANGUAGE OF THE KHERWAR GROUP THAT BELONGS TO THE MUNDA-MON-KHMER OR ‘AUSTRO-ASIATIC’ SUB-FAMILY. BUT THERE ARE OTHER DIFFERENT OPINIONS ON THIS TOO. ACCORDING TO N. PRASAD, â€Å"SANTALI IS THE RICHEST DIALECT AMONG ALL THE TRIBAL DIALECTS OF BIHAR. † 2. 3 GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION: IN BANGLADESH, THE SANTALS ARE FOUND MOSTLY IN NORTH BENGAL (NORTHERN PART OF BANGLADESH) ESPECIALLY IN THE THEN GREATER DISTRICTS OF DINAJPUR, RANGPUR, BOGRA, AND RAJSHAHI. ACCORDING TO THE CENSUS OF 1881, THE SANTALS RESULTED PRESENT IN THE DISTRICT OF KHULNA, PABNA AND CHITTAGONG IN THE SOUTH. MANY SAY THAT THE SANTALS, WHO ARE IN SYLHET, ARE THE ONES WHO MIGRATED FROM THE DISTRICTS MENTIONED ABOVE AND CAME HERE MAINLY TO WORK IN THE TEA GARDENS AS LABORERS. IN SHORT, THE SANTALS OF BANGLADESH ARE ALMOST ALL DERIVED FROM THOSE EMIGRATED FROM THE SANTAL PARGANA IN INDIA AND NOTHING DISTINGUISHES THEM FROM THOSE WHO ARE STILL LIVING THERE, WITH THE EXCEPTION, PERHAPS OF THE USE OF BANGLA WORDS THAT ARE SANTALIZED. IN RECENT TIMES SOME OF THE BANGLADESHI SANTALS ALSO STARTED GOING ABROAD TAKING EMPLOYMENT OPPORTUNITIES. 4 | P a g e Ethnic Group Of Bangladesh 3. THE WORLDVIEW THE SANTALS ARE SIMPLE AND UNSOPHISTICATED PEOPLE. LIKE ANY OTHER PEOPLE, THE SANTALS HAVE DEVELOPED THEIR OWN WORLDVIEW, A SYSTEM SUITED TO DEAL WITH THE BASIC PROBLEMS OF LIFE AND ITS MEANING. THEY HAVE PERCEIVED THE ENIGMA AND THE BASIC DICHOTOMY OF HUMAN EXISTENCE—LIFE AND DEATH, GOOD AND EVIL FROM THEIR OWN PERSPECTIVE. FOR THE SANTALS, LIFE, HEALTH, WEALTH, PROSPERITY, HAPPINESS, TRIBAL SOLIDARITY, RELIGIOUS BELIEF, MORES, ETC., ARE â€Å"GOOD†; AND DEATH, ILLNESS, POVERTY, MISFORTUNE, INJURY ETC. ARE â€Å"EVIL†. THEIR RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCES IS MEDIATED THROUGH THEIR CULTURE AND ARE EXPRESSED IN TERMS OF SYMBOLS, METAPHORS, MYTH, LEGENDS, FOLKLORE, SONGS, CULT, RITUALS AND SO ON. THE Santals consider Th kur Jiu ? (Life Giver) or Cando Baba (Sun Father) or Marang BURU (GREAT MOUNTAIN) AS THE SOURCE OF ALL â€Å"GOOD†; WHILE IT IS THE â€Å"EVIL EYE†, THE â€Å"evil mouth† and the b ric’ bonga ? or malevolent spirits who cause harms in human LIFE. THEREFORE, WHILE ACKNOWLEDGING THE SUPREME BEING, THEY ALSO PROPITIATE THE. BONGA IN AN ATTEMPT TO SOLVE THE PROBLEMS OF SUFFERING, SICKNESS, AND OTHER CRISIS. ALL THESE QUITE OFTEN LEAD THEM TO SUPERSTITIOUS BELIEFS AND GIVE RISE TO PROMINENCE OF THE FEAR OF THE BONGA. FOR THE SANTALS EVERY NEWBORN CHILD COMING FROM THE INVISIBLE AND SHADOWY WORLD NEEDS TO BE PURIFIED, IDENTIFIED AND INTRODUCED TO THE SANTAL SOCIETY. MUCH OF SUCH REALITIES ARE EXPRESSED THROUGH THE RITUAL CEREMONIES PERFORMED AFTER A CHILD IS born. The ritual of the janam ch ti r? ? (birth purification and name-giving ritual) is ONE EXAMPLE WHERE THESE ASPECTS ARE ENACTED THROUGH BATHING, SHAVING THE HEAD OF. THE BABY, DIVINING OF ARWA RICE (UNBOILED RICE) GRAINS AND WELCOMING OF THE BABY BY THE COMMUNITY. THE DEATH PURIFICATION CEREMONIES LIKE FUNERAL RITES OF BHANDAN, OR MORA KARAM (AFTER-DEATH CELEBRATION) PROVIDE FURTHER DETAILS OF THE SANTAL-BELIEF SYSTEM THAT THE DEAD PERSON GOES BACK TO THE SAME SPIRIT-WORLD OF LIFE FROM WHERE HE/SHE HAD COME AS A BABY AND REMAINS DEFILED AND DEFILING, FOR WHICH REASON NOT ONLY THE FAMILY THAT NEEDS PURIFICATION, BUT THE VERY RETURN OF THE DECEASED. PERSON TO ITS ORIGINAL STATE OR SHADOWY-WORLD IS ALREADY DEFILING BECAUSE IT IS A TRIBELESS-STATE, CONDEMNED AND SINFUL STATE AND BECAUSE IT HAS BEEN CREATED FOR THE PUNISHMENT OF THE SINS OF GREED AND PRIDE. HENCE, THE DECEASED PERSON NEEDS TO BE BROUGHT BACK 5 | P a g e Ethnic Group Of Bangladesh SPIRITUALLY TO HIS/HER OWN FAMILY AND IS INSTALLED AS AN INVISIBLE MEMBER AS HAPRAM (ANCESTOR). THE DECEASED, ALTHOUGH INVISIBLE, REMAIN A PERMANENT MEMBER OF THE FAMILY AND ARE REMEMBERED AND RESPECTED DURING ALL THEIR FAMILY OCCASIONS. THE SANTALS BELIEVE THAT â€Å"WHEN [A] HUMAN BEING BECOMES PERFECTLY FREE FROM ALL GREED AND PRIDE THIS STATE WILL BE REMOVED AND THAT WILL BE THE NEW CREATION, WHICH IN CHRISTIANITY MAY BE COMPARED WITH THE STATE OF SALVATION. FOR THE SANTALS, THERE IS NO CLEAR DISTINCTION BETWEEN THE SACRED AND THE PROFANE, RELIGIOUS AND NON-RELIGIOUS, SPIRITUAL AND THE MATERIAL AREAS OF LIFE. ANIMALS AND THE MATERIAL WORLD ARE AT THE DISPOSAL OF HUMAN BEINGS FOR THEIR SELF-PRESERVATION AND WELL-BEING. MOREOVER, SANTAL-LIFE IS CLOSELY RELATED TO NATURE AND TO THE WHOLE OF CREATION. LAND AND FOREST REMAIN UNITED WITH SANTAL-IDENTITY AND ARE VERY MUCH REFLECTED IN THEIR LIVES, LOVE, POETRY, SONGS, DANCE AND MUSIC. THE SANTALS, FOR EXAMPLE, ADDRESS TO THE â€Å"SUPREME BEING† AS CANDO BABA (SUN FATHER) AND THE STARS. TOO HAVE DIFFERENT NAMES. ACCORDING TO ARCHER, â€Å"ALTHOUGH FIELDS, HOUSES, MEN AND WOMEN SEEM TO CONSTITUTE A SANTAL VILLAGE, SANTALS REGARD THEM AS AT MOST A PORTION OF THEIR TOTAL WORLD. † 6 | P a g e Ethnic Group Of Bangladesh 4. THE SANTALS IN THEIR SOCIO-CULTURAL REALITIES 4. 1 THE SANTAL-VILLAGE: THE SANTAL VILLAGE IS A PATTERN OF SANTAL LIVING AND IT IS THE MOST TRADITIONAL AND ANCIENT INSTITUTION, WHICH CRYSTALLIZES THE WHOLE SYSTEM OF SOCIAL, POLITICAL, AND RITUAL STRUCTURES. IT COMES INTO EXISTENCE THROUGH THE SPECIAL DISPENSATION OF THE BONGA AND IS SANCTIFIED BY THEIR BLESSINGS. THE PRESENCE OF. DIFFERENT CLANS IN A VILLAGE DEMONSTRATES THE BEAUTY OF A COMMUNITY LIVING AND OBVIOUSLY THE DEMOCRATIC CHARACTER OF THE VILLAGE ADMINISTRATION ITSELF IS A SIGN OF INCREDIBLE RICHNESS OF THE SANTAL SOCIETAL DEALING AND LIVING. A SANTAL VILLAGE IS DEMARCATED WITH AN IMPLICIT BOUNDARY SO THAT IT MAY REMAIN FREE FROM OUTSIDE INTERFERENCE OF EVIL SPIRITS. THE SANTALS BELIEVE THAT QUARRELS AMONG FAMILIES AND GROUPS IN THE VILLAGE, NATURAL CALAMITIES, SICKNESS, EPIDEMICS, ETC. , ARE CAUSED BY LACK OF BALANCE BETWEEN THE FORCES OF GOOD AND EVIL. 4. 2 SOCIAL STRUCTURE OF SANTAL VILLAGE: THE PRIMARY FEATURE OF EVERY SANTAL. VILLAGE IS THE â€Å"MANJHI COUNCIL† OR THE VILLAGE COUNCIL HEADED BY A MANJHI (HEADMAN). THE VILLAGE COUNCIL IS THE REPRESENTATIVE BODY OF THE COMMUNITY CONSISTING OF SEVEN OFFICIALS, NAMELY: MANJHI, PARANIK (A DEPUTY HEADMAN), JOG MANJHI (AN OVERSEER OF THE VILLAGE ON MORAL ISSUES), JOG PARANIK (ASSISTANT TO JOG MANJHI), GODET’ (A MESSENGER), NAEKE (A village priest), and his assistant is Kud m Naeke?. These OFFICIALS IN FACT ARE THE SERVANTS, NOT THE MASTERS OF THE village and their role is purely functional. The M njhi? remains as the overall LEADER OF THE VILLAGE COUNCIL AND PRESIDES OVER THE VILLAGE MEETING BUT WITH THE. ACCEPTED PRINCIPLE THAT NO ONE OVERRULES ANY ONE ELSE. THE FUNCTIONS OF THE COUNCIL ON THE OTHER HAND, ARE CATEGORICALLY DIVIDED AMONG THE MEMBERS IN ORDER TO AVOID ANY OVERLAPPING. THE COUNCIL MEMBERS PERFORM THEIR FUNCTIONS IN ACCORDANCE WITH THEIR TRIBAL CUSTOMS AND TRADITIONS. THE PATTERN OF THE VILLAGE GOVERNANCE OF THE SANTALS IS MOSTLY DEMOCRATIC IN CHARACTER LIKE ANY OTHER DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTION. HOWEVER IN PRESENT TIME, WITH THE INTRODUCTION OF THE GOVERNMENT-SPONSORED UNION PARISAD (LOCAL ADMINISTRATIVE COUNCIL) THE SOCIAL CONTROL OF THE TRADITIONAL m njhi ? council of the Santals is mostly undermined. 7 | P a g e Ethnic Group Of Bangladesh FOLLOWING THE PATRIARCHAL PATTERN, THE MANJHI (LEADER) OF THE VILLAGE FOR THE SANTALS, IS ALWAYS A MALE. THE TITLE OF THE MANJHI IS GENERALLY HEREDITARY AND IT IS PASSED ON PATRILINEALLY. NOW-A-DAYS, THE MALE MEMBERS OF THE VILLAGE MAY ELECT OR EVEN SELECT THEIR OWN HEADMAN UPON COMMON CONSENSUS. THE TERM OF OFFICE IS INDEFINITE BUT CAN BE ALTERED BY GENERAL AGREEMENT ACCORDING TO THE NEED. ALTHOUGH THE OFFICE OF THE HEADMAN IS VOLUNTARY AND HONORARY IN NATURE, THE MEMBERS OF THE MANJHI COUNCIL ARE RESPONSIBLE TO THE COMMUNITY FOR THE SMOOTH RUNNING OF THE VILLAGE PARTICULARLY FOR SOCIAL MATTERS. 4. 3 THE CLANS: SANTALS ARE ENDOGAMIC AS A PEOPLE BECAUSE THEY CANNOT GET MARRIED OUTSIDE THEIR TRIBE, BUT THEY ARE EXOGAMIC AS CLAN BECAUSE THEY CANNOT BE married between the same clan (p ris? ). Traditionally the Santals used to have FOSTERED A TOTAL OF TWELVE CLANS BUT UNFORTUNATELY IN THE COURSE OF HISTORY ONE HAS BEEN MISSING. THE CLANS ARE: 1) BASKEY, 2) BESRA, 3) CORE, 4) HASDAK’, 5) Hembrom, 6) Kisku, 7) Marandi, 8) Murmu, 9) P uria, 10) Soren, 11) Tudu, and ? 12) BEDEA (THE LOST ONE). MAJOR FUNCTIONS OF THE CLANS ARE TO REGULATE MARRIAGE, INHERITANCE, SUCCESSION AND AFFILIATION (ALI 1988; ALSO HOSSAIN 2000). ONE BECOMES A CLAN MEMBER BY BIRTH. IT IS SAID THAT THESE CLANS ARE HIERARCHICALLY ORDERED ON THE BASIS OF OCCUPATION, LIKE: Kisku raja (king), Marandi Kipis r ? (wealthy or richer), Murmu Th kur ? (priest), Soren Sip hi ? (warrior), Tudu M nd ri ? ? ? (musician), and so on and so forth. HOWEVER, ACCORDING TO THE RESEARCHER, THESE OCCUPATIONAL HIERARCHIES OF STATUS DO NOT HAVE ANY IMPACT ON THE SANTALS IN DAILY LIVES. 4. 4 FAMILY AND MARRIAGE: FAMILY IS THE PRIMARY UNIT OF HUMAN SOCIETY. THE FAMILY AMONG THE SANTALS CAN BE TERMED AS OF BIOLOGICAL, JOINT, AND EXTENDED. A. HUSBAND, HIS WIFE AND THEIR UNMARRIED CHILDREN FORM PART OF THE BIOLOGICAL OR NUCLEAR FAMILY. A HUSBAND, HIS WIFE AND HIS MARRIED AND UNMARRIED SONS AND DAUGHTERS AND SOMETIMES HIS OLD PARENTS, BROTHER AND HIS FAMILY FORM PART OF THE JOINT FAMILY OR EXTENDED FAMILY TYPE. ACCORDING TO THE SANTALS, MARRIAGE IS AN UNION BETWEEN A MAN AND A WOMAN, WHICH IS SOCIALLY RECOGNIZED; CULTURALLY AND RELIGIOUSLY IT ALLOWS THE COUPLE TO LIVE IN A FAMILY. A SANTAL MARRIAGE CAN BE DESCRIBED ALSO AS A LEGAL TRANSFER OF DEPENDENCY OF THE 8 | P a g e Ethnic Group Of Bangladesh BRIDE, FROM HER FATHER’S FAMILY TO THE GROOM’S FAMILY. BY THIS TRANSFER, THE GROOM’S FAMILY DOES NOT ONLY ASSUME GUARDIANSHIP BUT ALSO ASSUMES CONTROL OVER ALL HER AFFAIRS. THROUGH MARRIAGE THE BRIDE LOOSES HER PATERNAL LEGAL IDENTITY AND ACQUIRES THE IDENTITY OF THE GROOM’S FAMILY. IN THE INSTITUTIONAL SENSE, MARRIAGE IS THE PARTNERSHIP BETWEEN A MAN AND A WOMAN REGULATED BY CUSTOMARY LAWS THAT ENHANCE LEGAL UNION BETWEEN THE SEXES AND DEFINE THE PROCEDURES FOR ESTABLISHING THE HUSBAND-WIFE RELATION, THE RECIPROCAL OBLIGATIONS AND THE ACCEPTED RESTRICTIONS UPON ITS PERSONNEL. AS TO THE ORIGIN AND INSTITUTION OF MARRIAGE, THE SANTALS BELIEVE THAT THE CREATOR. HIMSELF HAS ESTABLISHED MARRIAGE. THAT IS, THE THAKUR JIU WHO CREATED THE FIRST HUMAN PAIR (PILCU HARAM AND PILCU BUDHI) HAS ALSO INSTITUTED MARRIAGE. ALTHOUGH THERE ARE SOME INSTANCES OF POLYGAMY, MONOGAMY IS THE NATURE OF MOST SANTAL MARRIAGES. BESIDES SERVING SEXUAL NEEDS AND PROCREATION OF HEIRS, A SANTAL MARRIAGE HAS ALSO OTHER PURPOSES, SUCH AS COMPANIONSHIP, FORMATION OF FAMILY, ECONOMIC SECURITY, COOPERATION IN THE FAMILY ENTERPRISE, SOCIAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL SECURITY, ETC. THUS, SANTAL MARRIAGE IS NOT ONLY BETWEEN TWO PERSONS OF OPPOSITE SEX BUT IT ALSO BECOMES A BOND OF UNION BETWEEN TWO FAMILIES, TWO VILLAGES, AND. ALSO INFLUENCES THE CIRCLE OF RELATIONSHIP AMONG THE RELATIVES. M. A. JALIL MENTIONS FOUR TYPES OF MARRIAGE AMONG THE SANTALS IN BANGLADESH. THESE ARE: 1) DANGWA BAPLA (CONTACT MARRIAGE), 2) ANGIR BAPLA (LOVE MARRIAGE), 3) OR BAPLA (FORCE MARRIAGE), AND 4) ITUT’ BAPLA (TACTICAL MARRIAGE). MOREOVER, SANTALS DO HAVE EXCEPTIONS ESPECIALLY IN THE CASE OF MARRIAGE BETWEEN CANDIDATES OF THE SAME CLAN. FOR EXAMPLE, WHEN THE MARRIAGE OF A YOUNG COUPLE OF THE SAME CLAN FOR A VALID REASON BECOMES NECESSARY, AND CONSANGUINITY OR AFFINITY DOES NOT PREVENT IT, THEY APPLY A JURIDICAL PRETENSE. IN SUCH CASE, AN ELDERLY COUPLE OF A DIFFERENT CLAN, ADOPTS THE BRIDE AS THEIR DAUGHTER THROUGH A SIMPLE RITUAL CEREMONY AND GIVES THE PROPER NAME TO HER. 4. 5 ANNUAL FESTIVALS AND CEREMONIES: THE SANTAL SOCIETY IS MARKED WITH FEASTS, FESTIVALS AND RITUAL CELEBRATIONS. ONE OF THE TERMS OFTEN used by the Santals is r sk? ? meaning happiness, or joy, WHICH IS NOT ONLY DEAR TO THEIR HEARTS BUT IS PART AND PARCEL OF THEIR LIFE. THUS, WE FIND DANCING AND SINGING HAVE A VERY IMPORTANT ROLE AT EVERY FESTIVAL OCCASION. IT BRINGS A SANTAL TO FORGET WORRIES AND STRESSES OF HIS OR HER 9 | P a g e. Ethnic Group Of Bangladesh DAY-TO-DAY LIFE. IN THE SOCIAL LIFE OF THE SANTALS, FEASTS AND FESTIVALS HAVE GREAT SIGNIFICANCE FOR THESE ARE THE LIVING EXPRESSION OF THE DEEP ASPIRATION OF JOY AND HAPPINESS, AND ALSO DEMONSTRATE THE FEELING OF COMMUNITY AND SOLIDARITY INTEGRATED AS PART OF THE NATURE OF THE SANTALS. MANY OF SUCH CHARACTERISTICS ARE EXPRESSED IN SONGS, MUSIC AND IN DANCE. IN FACT, THE SANTALS DON’T GIVE ANY SPACE TO INDIVIDUALISM AND IT IS REALLY DURING THE FEASTS AND FESTIVALS THAT AN INDIVIDUAL REALIZES HIMSELF OR HERSELF IN THE COMMUNITY AND HIS OR HER FUTURE ROLE IN THE LIFE OF THE COMMUNITY. ALTHOUGH, MOST OF THESE FESTIVALS SEEMINGLY APPEAR AS MERE GATHERING OF CLOSE FRIENDS AND RELATIVES, INDIVIDUALS OF THE SAME SUB-CLAN OR THAT CONCERN ONLY THE INHABITANTS OF A VILLAGE; YET, THERE ARE ALSO OCCASIONS THAT INVOLVE MORE VILLAGES, AS IT USUALLY HAPPENS ON THE OCCASION OF MARRIAGE WHEN PARTICIPATION IS MOSTLY UNANIMOUS. IN ANY OF THESE FEASTS AND FESTIVALS, THERE ARE CERTAIN RITES AND RITUALS BEING FOLLOWED OFTEN ACCOMPANIED BY SIMPLE OFFERING AT THE CENTER. ABLUTIONS AND UNCTION OF OIL, THE USE OF VERMILION TO MARK THE SACRIFICIAL VICTIM AND EVEN BEING USED BY THE PARTICIPANTS, BEARS A GREATER SIGNIFICANCE. IN FACT, SOME OF THESE FESTIVAL PERFORMANCES CONSIST OF SOME SORT OF WORSHIP OR FOLK CULTS. FROM THE RITES AND FESTIVALS OF THE SANTALS, IT IS QUITE CLEAR THAT THEIR ECONOMIC LIFE, SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND RITUAL PERFORMANCES ARE INTERWOVEN MAINLY AROUND AGRICULTURE. THE SANTALS BELIEVE THAT THE ASPECTS OF MATERIAL LIFE MUST BE PROTECTED AND GUARDED BY APPROPRIATE RITES AND FESTIVALS; AND BONGA (SPIRITS) MUST BE SATISFIED BY GIVING THEIR DUE SHARES. MANY OF THE SOCIO-CULTURAL FESTIVALS AND RITUALISTIC CELEBRATIONS INDICATE THAT SANTALS. HAVE DEEPER INSIGHTS THAT GO BEYOND MERE EXTERNAL CELEBRATIONS. HOWEVER, DUE TO THE SCOPE AND LIMITATION OF THIS STUDY, WE ONLY MENTION SOME MAIN ANNUAL FESTIVALS AND CEREMONIES COMMONLY OBSERVED LIKE: SOHORAE (HARVEST FESTIVAL), BAHA (FLOWER festival), Erok’ (sowing of rice seeds in the field), Iri-Gundli N wai? (offering of THE FIRST FRUITS OF THE MILLET IRI), JANTHAR (OFFERING OF THE FIRST FRUITS OF THE WINTER RICE CROP). SANTALS ALSO HAVE OCCASIONAL RITES AND FESTIVALS, WHICH ARE NEITHER ASSOCIATED WITH AGRICULTURAL OPERATIONS NOR PERFORMED ANNUALLY. SOME OF THESE ARE: JOM SIM, MAK’ MORE AND KARAM. 10 | P a g e Ethnic Group Of Bangladesh 5. SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL REALITIES 5. 1 OCCUPATIONS AND LIVING: TRADITIONALLY SANTALS ARE MAINLY AGRICULTURISTS. THEY CLING TO THEIR LAND AS THEIR PRINCIPAL OCCUPATION AND MEANS OF SUBSISTENCE. ABOUT 95% OF THE SANTALS ARE INVOLVED IN AGRICULTURAL OPERATIONS. INDUSTRIOUS AND HARDWORKING AS THEY ARE, UNFORTUNATELY THE SCIENTIFIC SIDE OF THEIR KNOWLEDGE ABOUT CULTIVATION AND MANAGING THEIR LAND HAS NOT BEEN DEVELOPED. IN THE PAST THE MAJORITY OF THE SANTALS WERE LANDOWNERS, BUT DUE TO THE INCREASE IN POPULATION, EXPLOITATION BY MONEYLENDERS AND LANDLORDS, ILLEGAL. OCCUPATION OF THEIR LAND, POVERTY AND ILLITERACY, NATURAL CALAMITIES ETC. THE VAST MAJORITY OF THE SANTALS IN BANGLADESH HAVE LOST THEIR LAND PROPERTIES. AT PRESENT, NEARLY 80% OF THE SANTALS ARE LAND-LESS, FORCING THEM TO EARN THEIR LIVELIHOOD DEPENDING ON THE MERCY AND AVAILABILITY OF WORK IN THE FIELDS OF THEIR MUSLIM OR HINDU NEIGHBORS FOR THEIR MERE SUBSISTENCE. YET, IT IS SIGNIFICANT TO NOTE THAT TRADITIONALLY THERE ARE NO BEGGARS AMONG THE SANTALS. RATHER, THE SANTALS IN THE TIME OF DIRE POVERTY GO TO THE JUNGLE TO COLLECT WILD PLANTS, FRUITS, WILD POTATOES AND ROOTS OF YOUNG SHOOTS, FLOWERS, MUSHROOMS, ETC. HUNTING AND FISHING THAT USED TO BE PART OF SANTAL-LIVING, HAVE NOW BECOME SECONDARY IMPORTANCE DUE TO THE CHANGE OF SITUATION. LACK OF EMPLOYMENT OPPORTUNITIES IN THE VILLAGE AREAS, ALSO FORCED MANY SANTALS TO FLOCK TO THE NEARBY TOWNS AND CITIES IN SEARCH OF DAILY WAGES AND JOBS. THE WOMEN IN SANTAL SOCIETY PLAY AN IMPORTANT ROLE IN MAINTAINING THEIR FAMILIES BUT IN REALITY THEY REMAIN DEPRIVED OF THEIR EQUAL RIGHT, WHICH IS REFLECTED BY THE FACT THAT WOMEN ARE NOT ELIGIBLE FOR THE INHERITANCE OF PROPERTIES. SANTALS HAVE NEVER BEEN FOUND TO BE INTERESTED IN COMMERCE OR ANY SUCH PROFESSION TO AVAIL OF ECONOMIC SELF-RELIANCE. THIS IS ONE OF THE REASONS WHY. THEY REMAIN RATHER MARGINALIZED INVITING POVERTY IN THEIR LIVES. MOREOVER, MOST SANTALS DO NOT THINK ABOUT FUTURE, RATHER THEY ARE MORE CONCERNED FOR THE DAY; IT’S A DAY-TO-DAY LIVING AND THEY REMAIN SATISFIED AND HAPPY WITH THE LITTLE THEY CAN HAVE FOR MAINTAINING THEIR FAMILY. HOWEVER, DUE TO SOME PROGRESS IN EDUCATION, A SMALL NUMBER OF SANTALS HAVE BEEN ABLE TO MAKE LITTLE CHANGES IN THEIR WAY OF LIVING. 11 | P a g e Ethnic Group Of Bangladesh SOME HAVE TAKEN UP MODERN PROFESSIONS LIKE TEACHINGS, TECHNICAL ASSISTANCE, JUDICIAL ADVOCACY, NURSING ETC. 5. 2 POLITICAL REALITY: SANTALS, A PEACE LOVING PEOPLE HAVE NEVER BEEN FOUND INTERESTED IN POLITICS. YET, THEY HAVE ALWAYS REACTED WHEN THINGS WENT SEVERELY PAINFUL AND THEY WERE PUSHED AGAINST THE WALL WHEN THEY COULD NOT BEAR ANYMORE. THE HISTORIC SANTAL REVOLUTION IN 1855-56, THE TEBHAGA ANDOLON (SHARE CROPPERS’ MOVEMENT) IN 1945, AND THE NACHOL BIDROHO (FARMERS’ REVOLUTION) IN THE YEAR 1950, ARE THE CONCRETE EXAMPLES OF THE PAST. IN FACT, SANTALS HAVE ALWAYS BEEN USED BY OTHERS IN THE FOREFRONT BATTLE. ILLITERACY, ABSENCE OF ORGANIZATIONAL SET UP AND LACK OF GENUINE. LEADERSHIP HAVE KEPT THE SANTALS FAR FROM ACHIEVING ANY END RESULT. IN RECENT YEARS, SOME OF THE SANTALS HAVE BEEN FOUND TO TAKE ACTIVE ROLE IN THE LOCAL POLITICS BY THEIR PARTICIPATION IN THE LOCAL ELECTION. 12 | P a g e Ethnic Group Of Bangladesh 6. BELIEFS AND RITUAL PRACTICES 6. 1 THE BELIEF IN ONE SUPREME BEING: AS IT HAS ALREADY BEEN MENTIONED EARLIER, SANTALS DO BELIEVE IN ONE â€Å"SUPREME BEING† WHOM THEY CALL THAKUR JIU (LIFE GIVER) OR MARANG BURU (GREAT MOUNTAIN) WHO IS CONSIDERED TO BE THE â€Å"SUPREME† AMONG ALL THE â€Å"RELIGIOUS BEINGS†. THE MOST COMMON SANTAL-TERM USED FOR THE SUPREME BEING. THESE DAYS IS CANDO BABA (SUN FATHER). ACCORDING TO THE EXPERIENCE OF THE RESEARCHER THE SANTALS HERE DO NOT REFER LITERALLY TO THE SUN ITSELF RATHER, IT IS AN EXPRESSION OF A DIVINE ACTIVITY: EXPRESSION OF DIVINE LOVE IN RELATION TO HUMAN BEINGS. FOR THE SANTALS, CANDO BABA IS A BENEVOLENT DEITY WHO ORGANIZES THE DAYS AND NIGHTS AND IS RESPONSIBLE FOR HEAT AND COLD, RAIN AND SUNSHINE; AND FROM A DWELLING ‘SOMEWHERE IN THE SKY’, ALLOTS EACH SANTAL A TERM OF LIFE HERE ON EARTH. BUT, HE STAYS FAR AWAY, FAR ABOVE THE SKY AND CANNOT BE REACHED. IT IS UNDERNEATH. THE SUN, BENEATH THE CLOUDS, THAT SANTAL LIFE IS CHALLENGED. HERE THE BONGA ROAM AROUND AND ONLY BY COMING TO TERMS WITH THEM CAN SANTALS BE HAPPY. 6. 2 THE BELIEF IN BONGA (SPIRITS): THE SANTALS BELIEVE IN THE EXISTENCE OF THE SPIRITS WHO ARE CALLED BONGA. THE BONGA HAVE MUCH REPERCUSSION ON DAILY LIVING OF THE SANTALS. TO ENSURE THEIR CONTINUING CARE, BESIDE ANNUAL SACRIFICES, THE BONGA ARE REMEMBERED IN A DAILY BASIS. WHENEVER A MEAL IS TAKEN, A SMALL PORTION OF THE FOOD IS DROPPED ON THE FLOOR FOR THE BONGA, OR AT THE TIME WHENEVER RICE-BEER IS DRUNK, A LITTLE IS SPILT ON THE GROUND FOR MARANG BURU. THUS, THE SANTALS LIVE NOT ONLY IN THEIR TRIBAL SOCIETY BUT IN A GREATER SOCIETY CONSISTING OF SUPERNATURAL BEINGS AS WELL. IN PRACTICE, THE SANTALS OFTEN USE THE TERM BONGA MEANING â€Å"TO INCORPORATE† SOMEONE INTO THE SOCIETY BY DOING CERTAIN RITUAL. THE PHRASE USED IN THIS CASE IS: BONGA TALA KEDEAKO MEANING, HE/SHE HAS BEEN ADMITTED INTO SANTAL SOCIETY. ACCORDING TO THE SANTAL RELIGIOUS BELIEF THERE ARE TWO TYPES OF BONGA—THE MALEVOLENT AND THE BENEVOLENT ONES. THE BONGA-WORSHIP IS PRIMARILY TO PLEASE AND TO INVOKE THE POWERS OF THE BENEVOLENT BONGA AND TO AVERT THE ILL WILL OF THE MALEVOLENT BONGA. IN THE WORSHIP OF BONGA WE CAN DISTINGUISH ANALYTICALLY TWO INTERRELATED ASPECTS: 13 | P a g e Ethnic Group Of Bangladesh A) THE OBJECTIVE ASPECT OF THE RELIGIOUS RITES IS TO HAVE AN ALLIANCE WITH THE BENEVOLENT BONGA AND THEREBY CONTROLLING OR EVEN DEFEATING THE POWERS OF THE MALEVOLENT BONGA; AND B) THE EXPRESSIVE ASPECT OF THE WORSHIP IS MANIFESTED THROUGH VARIOUS SEASONAL AND RELIGIOUS RITES, FESTIVALS AND RITES ASSOCIATED WITH VARIOUS SOCIAL RITUALS. SANTALS HAVE AN INNATE RELATIONSHIP WITH THEIR BONGA AND CONSIDER THEMSELVES LIVING WITH THEM. THIS RELATIONSHIP IS MOSTLY OF DEPENDENCE, SUBMISSION, PROPITIATION AND REVERENTIAL FEAR. THE SANTALS DO SUPPLICATIONS; OFFER RICE-BEER; AND ANIMAL SACRIFICES IN THE NAME OF THE BONGA. IT IS WORTH MENTIONING THAT THERE ARE INSTANCES AMONG THE SANTALS IN THE RURAL VILLAGES WHERE PERSONS EVEN IN TIME OF SERIOUS SICKNESS WOULD NOT LOOK FOR MEDICAL HELP INSTEAD LEAVE IT TO THE BONGA TO BE CURED. 6. 3 BELIEF IN WITCHCRAFT: RELATED TO SANTAL BELIEF-SYSTEM, IS ALSO THE EXISTENCE OF WITCHES. THE SANTALS BELIEVE THAT THERE ARE CERTAIN PEOPLE, ESPECIALLY WOMEN, WHO POSSESS SPECIAL POWER AND TECHNIQUES TO HARM PEOPLE, CATTLE, AND CROPS. THESE SO-CALLED WITCHES ARE INVOLVED IN DOING HARMFUL ACTIVITIES LIKE GIVING POISONS, TAKING OUT HUMAN LIVERS, SENDING TROUBLESOME SPIRITS TO CERTAIN FAMILIES AND CHANGING THEMSELVES INTO BLACK CATS. BECAUSE OF SUCH BELIEF IN WITCHCRAFT PRACTICES, THE SANTALS EASILY SUSPECT ONE ANOTHER, AND ARE OFTEN LED TO FIGHT. IT IS PRESUMED THAT IT IS ESSENTIAL TO HAVE SUCH A BELIEF ESPECIALLY IN THE PAGAN WORLD. HOWEVER, THERE IS ALSO A COUNTER-BELIEF AMONG THE SANTALS THAT THERE ARE CERTAIN PEOPLE OJHA-JANGURU (SPECIALISTS), MAINLY MEN, WHO POSSESS SPECIAL POWER AND. TECHNIQUES FOR DETECTING WITCHES AND NULLIFYING THEIR SPELLS. THUS, WHENEVER SANTALS GET INTO TROUBLE, THEY SEEK THE HELP OF THESE PEOPLE WHO, MORE OFTEN EXPLOIT THE SOCIETY. REFERRING TO THE SICKNESS AND OTHER PROBLEMS, THE SANTALS BELIEVE THAT THEY ARE CAUSED BY THE EVIL SPIRITS WHEN THEY BECOME DISSATISFIED WITH THE SACRIFICES OF THE PEOPLE OR WHEN THEY THINK THAT THEY ARE BEING MANIPULATED BY SOME EVIL-MINDED PEOPLE (WITCHES). THEREFORE, THE SANTALS TRY TO IDENTIFY THE AGENTS OF THE TROUBLE THROUGH THE HELP OF OJHA–JANGURU AND TRY TO PACIFY EACH AGENT THROUGH VARIOUS SACRIFICES. 14 | P a g e. Ethnic Group Of Bangladesh 6. 4 THE ANCESTORS: FROM THE RITES AND RITUALS AS PRACTICED BY THE SANTALS, IT IS QUITE EVIDENT THAT ANCESTOR-WORSHIP IS A COMMON FEATURE AMONG THEM. THE DEAD ANCESTORS ARE THE REAL BENEFACTORS OF THE FAMILIES OR GROUPS TO WHICH THEY BELONGED AND THAT THEY ARE EASILY APPROACHABLE BY THEIR LIVING KINSMEN. HENCE, AT ALL IMPORTANT OCCASIONS OF BIRTH, OF MARRIAGE OR OF DEATH THE DECEASED ANCESTORS ARE REMEMBERED AND OFFERED SACRIFICES. 6. 5 THE JAHERTHAN OR THE SACRED GROVE IS AN ESSENTIAL PART OF A SANTAL VILLAGE. IT IS A SACRED PLACE OF SPECIAL WORSHIP FOR THE SANTALS. AFTER A VILLAGE HAS BEEN SET UP, A JAHERTHAN IS INSTALLED THROUGH RITUAL CEREMONY AT THE OUTSKIRT OF THE VILLAGE. THE MAIN DEITY OF THE JAHERTHAN, IS KNOWN AS JAHER ERA (THE LADY OF THE GROVE). ACCORDING TO THE SANTALS, SHE RESIDES THERE BESIDES OTHER IMPORTANT DEITIES SUCH AS THE MOREKO-TURUIKO (LITERALLY MEANS †FIVE-SIX†). THE JAHER ERA PRESIDES OVER THE SACRED GROVE, TENDS OVER OTHER BONGA IN THE JAHERTHAN AND LOOKS AFTER THE INTERESTS OF THE VILLAGERS ESPECIALLY FOR THEIR PHYSICAL NEEDS. THE SPIRITS OF THE JAHERTHAN ARE WORSHIPPED DURING THE PRINCIPAL FESTIVALS, LIKE SOHORAE (HARVEST FESTIVAL), BAHA. (FLOWER FESTIVAL), EROK’ (SOWING FESTIVAL), AND SO ON FOR THE GENERAL WELFARE OF THE VILLAGE PARTICULARLY FOR OBTAINING GOOD CROPS AND FOR THE HEALTH OF THE VILLAGERS AND THEIR LIVESTOCK. 6. 6 The M njhithan? or the altar of the headman is placed along side the kulhi (VILLAGE ROAD) OR OFTEN AT THE CENTRAL PLACE OF THE VILLAGE OR IN FRONT THE HOUSE OF THE M njhi? (the headman). It is believed that the Manjhi bonga (spirit of the headman) RESIDES IN THIS ALTAR AND ACTS AS THE SPIRITUAL ADVISER OF THE HEADMAN. HERE THE M njhi? offers sacrifice for the benefit of himself, his family and for the whole. VILLAGE. 6. 7 THE â€Å"HOUSE-ALTAR†: IN THE INNER SIDE OF A SANTAL HOUSE, THERE REMAINS THE bhit r, ? a tiny compartment, which is the darkest space of the house. It is the abode OF THE ORAK BONGA (HOUSE SPIRITS) OR OFTEN KNOWN AS ABGE BONGA—THE BONGA OF THE SUB-CLAN. THE HEAD OF THE FAMILY DOES THE WORSHIP. IN ANY OCCASION OF THE FAMILY AND SOCIAL FESTIVALS, FOOD OFFERING IS MADE ON THIS ALTAR. THE NAMES OF THE ORAK BONGA ARE NOT REVEALED TO OUTSIDERS AND EVEN TO THE FEMALE MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE RATHER, HANDED DOWN FROM FATHER TO SON. USUALLY THE ELDEST SON RECEIVES THE NAME FROM HIS FATHER. 15 | P a g e. Ethnic Group Of Bangladesh The bhit r? is also used as a secret place to germinate and to store h ndi ? (rice beer), WHICH IS NOT ONLY USED AS NORMAL DRINK BUT ITS USE IS SIGNIFICANT AND EXTENDED TO SOCIO-CULTURAL RITUALISTIC CELEBRATIONS, AND EVEN THAT TO BE OFFERED TO SATISFY THE BONGA. 6. 8 THE â€Å"AFTER-LIFE† IS THE CONTINUATION OF LIFE THAT IS LIVED IN THIS WORLD. THE SANTALS BELIEVE THAT THE SPIRIT OF THE DECEASED GOES TO A SHADOWY WORLD WHERE THE PERSON REQUIRES THE MATERIALS OF THIS WORLD. THIS IS WELL EXPRESSED WITH THE RITUAL PRACTICES DONE AT THE TIME OF BURIAL AND DURING THE BHANDAN, THE LAST CEREMONY DONE. IN HONOR OF THE DEAD. IN THE PAST, IT WAS PERFORMED IMMEDIATELY AFTER ALL THE REQUIREMENTS HAD BEEN FULFILLED FOR THE DECEASED PERSON, BUT IN PRESENT DAYS SUCH CEREMONY, IN A RICH FAMILY, IS DONE WITHIN TWO OR THREE MONTHS FROM THE DEATH AND IN A POOR FAMILY, IT IS ONE YEAR OR TWO. FOR THE SANTALS, THE MORE NUMEROUS ARE THE ANIMAL-VICTIMS OFFERED IN HONOR OF THE DEAD DURING THE BHANDAN, THE MORE WOULD BE THE ANIMALS THAT THE ANCESTOR WILL HAVE IN THE OTHER WORLD. MOST ANIMAL-VICTIMS ARE DONATED BY THE RELATIVES AND NONE OF THEM ARE TO BE SPARED FOR FUTURE USE BY THE FAMILY CONCERNED. TRADITIONALLY EVERY SANTAL, MALE AND FEMALE, IS SUPPOSED TO BEAR UNDELETABLE SCARS on the body. For the male, it is the sik? that must be at least three scars REPRESENTING JION (LIFE), MORON (DEATH), AND JION (LIFE). THE SANTAL WOMEN DO NOT practice sik? , but to escape to be devoured by the worms in the life-after, they have THEIR CHEST TATTOOED, WHICH IS CALLED BY THE SANTALS KHODA. FR. PUSSETTO, WITH HIS VAST EXPERIENCE WITH THE SANTALS TESTIFIED: I HAVE NOT ONLY SEEN SANTAL WOMEN TATTOOED ON THE CHEST BUT ALSO ON THE BACK, ON THE FACE, ON THE ARMS AND ON THE LEGS; THE TATTOO WERE ENOUGH COMPLICATED, BUT PURELY ORNAMENTAL†¦THE TA.

Pecan Tree Essay

1. Hi, my name is John Doe. I am here to inform you on the historical background of pecan trees. First I will explain the characteristics of pecan trees and then move into who founded the tree first and how the tree benefited them. Lastly, I will bring you up to date on how the tree has been domesticated and the benefits that it brings today. 2. The pecan tree starts off small and eventually gets bigger over time like pretty much everything else in the world. The best chance for this tree to survive is to plant it in alluvial or other words (riverbed) soil that is deep and well drained.However, pecan trees can grow on any soil that allows water penetration to a depth of four or five feet 3. The Pecan tree’s growth rate is roughly 2 feet per year. The trees will begin producing a few nuts three to four years after being planted significant production can be achieved in six to eight years. And good production will begin around the ninth or tenth year. 4. The pecan, Carya illinoi nensis, is a member of the plant family Juglandaceae. This family includes the walnuts and the hickories. The pecan is a large tree, often growing to 100 feet high or more and has a stately appearance.It has been proclaimed the state tree of Texas. 5. Pecan trees may live and bear edible nuts for more than 300 years. The crown of the pecan tree is roughly rounded or oval in shape, which can have a spread up to 75 feet wide. 6. For those of you who do not know what a pecan tree leaves looks like, they are green in color during the spring and summer, and when fall hits they start to turn a yellowish color. The leaves will eventually fall completely off the tree during winter season because these trees are considered to be deciduous trees, meaning they are seasonal, unlike evergreens which stay green all year long. . Here is a picture of the bark of a pecan tree. The bark of a pecan tree is grayish in color and has a rough appearance to it, which is relatively thin. The picture also sh ows the base of the tree which can reach up to six feet in diameter. 8. A pecan, like the fruit of all other members of the hickory genus, is not truly a nut, but is technically a drupe, a fruit with a single stone or pit, surrounded by a husk. The husks are produced from the exocarp tissue of the flower, while the part known as the nut develops from the endocarp and contains the seed 9. The outer husk is 3–4 mm (0. 2–0. 16 in) thick, starts out green and turns brown at maturity, which ranges from (1. 0–2. 4 in) long and (0. 59–1. 2 in) broad, and over time it will split off into four sections to release the thin-shelled nut. [2][4][5][ 10. Pecans come in a variety of sizes – mammoth, extra-large, large, medium, small and midget. They also come in several forms including whole pecans, pecan halves, pieces, granules and meal. There are over 1,000 varieties of pecans. Many are named for Native American Indian tribes, including Cheyenne, Mohawk, Sioux , Choctaw and Shawnee. 1. Pecans are native to a number of states in southern and Midwestern United States and to scattered locations in Mexico, but are most common in Texas, Oklahoma, and Louisiana. They have been growing over their present range in the U. S. for at least 8000 years and, based on archaeological and ethnohistoric data, were an important source of food for people who inhabited certain areas within this range in prehistoric and early historic times 12. Before European settlement, pecans were widely consumed and traded by Native Americans.As a food source, pecans are a natural choice for preagricultural society. They can provide two to five times more calories per unit weight than wild game, and require no preparation. 13. many years after the discovery of the pecan tree by the Native Americans the United States has become the world’s leader in pecan production. While exact numbers for world production are unknown, it is estimated that the U. S. produces 75 perc ent of the world’s pecans 14. Pecans are produced on about a million acres worldwide.Since the exact number for worldwide production is unknown there is a estimation of about 200 to 300 million pounds produced each year However, unlike most cultivated crops, the domestication of the pecan tree did not started until the late 1800’s 15. And since then there have been new inventions called harvesters that issues a burst of powerful high frequency vibrations that, for 10-15 seconds, it shakes all the pecans out of the entire tree creating a noisily intense crackling hail of pecan nuts, a dense shower, followed by an eerie silence that will leave any observer stunned 16.Also, the trees are planted in rows to make for an easier harvest. Also, before a shelled pecan is ready to be sold, it must first be cleaned, sized, sterilized, cracked and finally, shelled. 17. 6Unlike other horticultural crops, the native pecan is very important commercially. Most of these species are con centrated in the Northern Hemisphere of the New World, but can be found on every continent except for Antarctica 18. The Pecan Trees and the nuts have not changed a whole lot, since the Natives irst discovered them, but the way they are harvested has changed drastically. Unlike, the Native trees that were kept natural and could only produce what its genes allowed it too. Now there is grafting of trees to make the tree produce better 19. Not to mention the sprays that is used to keep disease down and the attack of bugs on the tree or the nuts themselves. I hope you know a little more about pecan trees and there origin and how much they have been domesticated to meet our needs. And to think all of this is being done to harvest a tiny pecan nut

The role of magic in A Midsummers Nights Dream Research Paper

The role of magic in A Midsummers Nights Dream - Research Paper Example Patriarchal dominance is given a thorough overview within the play and revealed through making humor at the expense of its proprietary nature. The play explores the many ways in which love manifests, allowing for its exaltation as well as its trivialization. The play embodies a duality of mythologies from which to create its discourse. While the nature of the fairy is relative to the mythologies of Europe, the play takes place in the setting of Athens, thus bringing into mind the Greek mythologies. This convergence of mythological settings and universes provides a heightened sense of the supernatural within the play. In addition, as the time period of the Renaissance was a time when humanism was the philosophical standard, it is possible that beyond the mythological parallels, there is a contrast intended between the reason of classicism and the magic of the fairy realm. Therefore, the setting provides multiple levels of consideration, creating a world in which contrast and continuit y are both within the framework of the setting. This setting provides a structure in which the shifting shape of the emotion can be explored as it represents contrasts of differing beliefs. Love is often considered to be a magical emotional element in the human experience. In Shakespeare’s fantastical play, magic creates a complication of human emotions by the influence of the fae, As the fae are not human, but creatures of myth and fantasy, their association to love is both more cold and more passionate than that of human love. Therefore, the consequences of love and the intermix of emotional play that is done by the fairy folk becomes a reflection of the nature of man through a sense of exaggeration (Dowd and Pallata 558). As the play is considered to be a romantic comedy, there is an emphasis on love, but the elements of structure and expectation is how the play is formulated in order to convey the message that Shakespeare intended. Thus, while love is of a primary importa nce, the fulfillment of the expectations of complications that get in the way of love which are finally overcome, naturally leads towards an end which includes marriage (Nostbakken and Shakespeare 3). In A Midsummer Night’s Dream, the complications are created first through the unrequited love within the human world, then through the magic within the fairy world as the fairies choose to interfere for their own amusement. The first complication in the human realm is that of Hermia as she loves Lysander while her father has demanded that she marry Demetrius. If she refuses to marry Demetrius she is given two choices by her father, Theseus; â€Å"Either to die the death, or abjure/ Forever the society of men† (Shakespeare Act 1: Scene 1: lines 65-66). Hermia has been given the choice to either love whom her father has chosen to be her husband or to live without love as a nun. The alternative to both is death. This firmly establishes the human world for its patriarchal nat ure. Males have the control over the future of females, thus their own desires are immaterial to the desires of the male. However, in the fairy world, this patriarchal power is less relevant. The magic in the fairy realm provides an opportunity to make